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MANY of us heaved a sigh of relief when the Vilasrao Deshmukh government finally arrested Raj Thackeray, leader of the Maharashtra Navnirman Samiti. Following in the footsteps of his more illustrious (or should it be notorious) uncle, Balasaheb, the younger Thackeray has made a career out of targeting everyone that he claims is acting against the perceived interests of the ‘Marathi Manoos’. The earlier campaigns against establishments not carrying a Marathi signage and vandalizing taxi cabs run by migrants from U.P. and Bihar, among others, had raised fears that the country’s most cosmopolitan city was slipping into a phase of ugly provincialism. The latest outrage, beating up candidates from the Hindi states, in Mumbai to appear for a Railway Recruitment Board exam, seemed to be the last straw.

But, as so often happens, the politicians appear to be having the last laugh. The very next day Raj Thackeray was out on bail. And though the court has prohibited him from making any inflammatory speeches, the simple fact that the state seems unable to hold him in custody has only consolidated his image as a firebrand leader amongst his followers. Equally, despite their formal denunciation of MNS hooliganism and Raj Thackeray’s divisive politics, the ruling coalition (Congress-NCP) politicians who let him have a free run all this while, seem secretly pleased that the MNS is cutting into the base of the Shiv Sena, their primary opponent in the state. That this is no unwarranted conjecture is borne out by the attempt of the Shiv Sena to jump in on the ‘anti-outsider’ bandwagon and indulge in its own muscle flexing.

Clearly, as the recent developments bear out, there appears to be a wide divide between what politicians of various hues consider legitimate political activity and the feelings and desires of ordinary citizens. Irrespective of what citizens want – a peaceful atmosphere in which they can go about their daily business – the political class persists in whipping up real and imaginary fears, mobilizing disgruntled elements, and engaging in a disruptive politics of demonstrations and bandhs, all in an effort to display their clout. In this, there seems to be little difference between ruling parties and those in the opposition. Little do they realize that such a wilful disregard for the rule of law, accompanied by a partisan use of the law and order machinery, only contributes to an increased feeling of citizen helplessness and a growing distrust in our formal, institutional apparatus.

Even more disconcerting is a political discourse that seeks to explain (away) such developments as reflections of unattended root causes. We are told we should not be surprised by the Raj Thackeray phenomenon, that such developments have happened in the past, that the employment market is insufficiently accommodative of local interests, and so on. In this specific case, we are reminded that since the Railway Ministry has long been headed by politicians from Bihar (Lalu Yadav currently and Nitish Kumar and Ram Vilas Paswan earlier), candidates from that state stand a differentially higher chance of selection. Following such analysis, it is a short step to advocating regional quotas in central recruitment, if not restrictions on labour mobility across states and regions.

There is little doubt that the labour market, both formal and informal, including for self-employment, works in a distorted if not discriminatory manner. Sometimes it may even be biased against local hiring. But most often this is because local candidates are insufficiently qualified/trained, are more expensive to hire and, this is important, display a greater propensity towards unionization. It is also true, particularly in insufficiently developed and non-transparent labour markets, that employers differentially favour candidates that they are more comfortable with. This may explain the widely commented upon bias against Dalits, Muslims and women.

In any case, seeking to further constrain the working of the labour market by introducing restrictive rules and regulations not only depresses fresh employment creation but also directs new investment to more congenial regions and sites. The recent experience of the Tata Nano car plant in West Bengal, now relocated in Gujarat, should serve as a warning to politicians indulging in agitational politics without requisite regard for long-term consequences, including for the constituencies whose cause they claim to espouse.

Mumbai has for long been an attractive destination for people from all regions. Their drive and ingenuity has gone a long way into making the metropolis our most vibrant city. Permitting politicians like Raj Thackeray to continue their destructive agenda can only be to the detriment of the city. And the worst suffers will be the Marathis manoos.

Harsh Sethi