Comment

Kandhamal: issues and challenges

RECENT developments in Kandhamal in Orissa can be viewed through several prisms. On one side is a ‘secular’ prism which makes the case that the unfortunate happenings are the direct outcome of the increasing influence of the Sangh Parivar in the region. Then there is the ‘communal’ prism that attributes the unsavoury developments to the aggressive proselytisation efforts of the Christian evangelists. Incidentally, in both the explanations, it is the religious propagandists who are the villains. For the first set, it is the Hindu chauvinists who are the culprits; for the second, the blame must squarely lie at the door of the Christian missionaries.

The ‘secular’ and ‘communal’ tag comes from the standard premise: whose cause is one is championing – the minority communities or the majority community? Let us look at their respective arguments.

The secular argument is that the conversion to Christianity by a section of the people of the area did not affect the communal harmony in the region for a long time, as native people are basically tolerant towards multiple identities and culture. It is only in the last decade, especially after the Bharatiya Janata Party came to power as a coalition partner in the state government, that the atmosphere has got vitiated because of the strident anti-Christian campaign undertaken by its fraternal organizations, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal.

The Sangh outfits, in this view, have ensured that the communal tinderbox is kept ready to ignite at any opportune moment; it just needs a spark. In December 2007, the immediate provocation was the ‘ostentatious display of wealth and manpower’ by the Church during the Christmas celebrations. This year, the murder of the VHP leader, Swami Laxmananand Saraswati, provided the excuse to unleash terror over the Christian community.

The secular view holds that had the Sangh outfits not engineered the anti-Christian riots, the fall-out of the Swami’s murder would not have prolonged over a month and the death and destruction would not have been on such a large scale. Further, that this attack had been planned well in advance to send the message loud and clear: Those who seek to convert the local population to Christianity must stop the evangelical work or leave the place; those who have been converted to Christianity must undertake a gharwapsi ritual to return to the Hindu fold. In both cases, a refusal would invite further retribution.

It was clearly a case of religious cleansing. The Sangh outfit was emboldened to mount an offensive on this scale only because it enjoyed the protection as well as the support of the state government, say proponents of the secular view.

The Sangh Parivar, however, has a different story to tell.

Its main contention is that the conflagration in Kandhamal is essentially on account of ethnic animosity, not religious conflict. It is not so much a conflict between the Hindus and Christians as between the Scheduled Tribes and the Scheduled Castes. In this view, religion has got enmeshed because the Christian lobby has taken a partisan stand in this ethnic divide.

The VHP avers that the ethnic strife in the region is nothing new. If, as the secularists argue, the situation has come to a boil on account of the increasing clout of the outfit in this decade, then how does one explain the Kandha (Scheduled Tribe)-Pana (Scheduled Caste) conflict in 1994 that left more than 35 people dead and thousands of houses gutted? Or to go back further – what about the major showdown between the two communities in the previous decades, when the Sangh Parivar was nowhere on the political horizon of the state?

In fact, the ‘communal’ argument runs along these lines: Kandha-Pana conflict can be traced to the 19th century when the British government transformed an ethnic division into a religious divide with the support of the Christian proselytizers. And that division is only getting exacerbated with the passage of time. The bitterness on account of this is being manifested in spontaneous and periodic conflicts.

The Christian protagonists are the real devils who have disturbed the peace and harmony of Kandhamal. But sadly, our self-professed secularists cannot point an accusing finger at the leaders of the minority communities because their secular standing is buttressed only by trashing those who speak for the majority community. So goes the argument of the Sangh Parivar.

These prismatic views do have their own merit, but do not present the full picture. Kandhamal is a classic case where caste, class, ethnicity and religion have got enmeshed to such a degree that it defies any standard, stereotypical explanation.

Kandhamal, which was carved out as a separate district in 1994, is named after the Kandhas, the original tribes residing in the area. Panas, the ex-untouchables, were not the original inhabitants of the region. Tribal legend has it that Panas migrated to Kandhamal from the nearby Ghumusar area as the king there punished them because of their criminal activities.

Kandhas apparently welcomed Panas with open arms as the latter agreed to serve them as serfs, rather, slaves. ‘Kandha raja, Pana praja’ was the standard refrain of the time. Panas ploughed the tribal land, herded their cattle and acted as intermediaries between Kandhas and the outside world. The Panas even sacrificed their children for the tribal Meriah practice to appease the mother goddess. It appeared a win-win situation for both; Kandhas were free from the worldly worries and could spent time merry-making over handia (fermented liquor). The Panas too were happy as they managed to eke out an assured living.

But the situation began to change when the Panas, being worldly wise, took the Kandhas for a ride. Some of them virtually took control of the land that they cultivated. Some others managed to marry the tribal girls and tried to get assimilated in the tribal society.

But the real turnaround in their fate came when the Britishers moved to India and the Christian churches set up their establishments in the area in the 19th century. Missionaries, as is their wont, began to provide educational facilities and health care and, in return, scouted for candidates ready to convert to Christianity.

Kandhas, with very little exposure to the outside world, were alarmed at the intrusion from an alien culture. They not only kept the White evangelists at an arm’s length, but even rose in revolt against the British, who later banned the Meriah custom. But the Panas, more aware of the realities of the British rule in India, quickly grasped the benefits that could accrue to them if they converted to Christianity. No wonder, the missionaries who had a harrowing time in finding converts in the coastal belt (the records say that the Church was set up there in 1822 and it took them six years to convert the first native), tasted easy and early success in western Orissa.

The hopes and aspirations of the Panas were not belied. Almost all the Christian converts got access to good education. During the British raj, they managed to find jobs in the government offices and different church establishments.

This brought about a sea-change in the social milieu. The Panas, who had come seeking shelter in the tribal land and were initially at the mercy of the Kandhas, subsequently started flaunting their wealth and official clout. They started gaining respectability in the social sphere too.

After independence, once the Indian Constitution came into force, the Panas, the ex-untouchables, were notified under the Scheduled Caste (SCs) category. Being better educated thanks to their schooling in missionary institutions, they were also better equipped than their fellow SCs elsewhere to compete in the job market. But there was a fly in the ointment in this happy tale. The Constitution envisaged that members of the Scheduled Castes would be barred from availing the benefits meant for the SCs if they converted to any other religion, since the founding fathers of the Constitution had come to the conclusion that an ex-untouchable ceases to be a social outcaste if he/she changes religion.

The Panas faced a crucial dilemma. If they declared their Christian affiliation, then they would not be able to compete in the SC category. At the same time, they could not forsake their Christian faith which had given them a new lease of life. So they opted for a convenient via media – choosing to be Hindu in the official records and Christian in personal belief!

This subterfuge did not adversely affect the Kandha interests, at least directly, as they were protected under the Scheduled Tribe category, to which Panas could not claim entry. They, however, came to be envious of the new-found lifestyle of the Panas, who were their minions not long ago. Almost all Panas began to live in pucca houses whereas the Kandhas had to make do with mud huts. Panas owned many modern gadgets; most Kandhas could only dream about them. This economic hiatus between the two communities became a major irritant in the social life of Kandhamal.

But what was earlier only an irritant turned into full-scale hostility when religious organizations actively started intervening on both sides of the divide to bolster their respective causes. Christian leaders masterminded a campaign to include the Panas in the Scheduled Tribe category, on the specious plea that they spoke the same Kui language and shared the same tribal culture as the Kandhas. There was an ulterior design behind the campaign: If the Panas were accorded the ST category, they would be able to present themselves as Christians even in the official record as the Indian Constitution allows the members of the Scheduled Tribes to enjoy the benefits due to the STs even after religious conversion. The Panas would also gain by becoming STs, as they could now become legitimate owners of the tribal land which in many cases they had illegally occupied.

This move brought the Kandhas in direct conflict with the Panas who, they believed, had fraudulently sought to become competitors in their legitimate entitlements. The Kandhas were afraid that their current access to opportunities would be substantially curtailed if the Panas, with their better education and exposure, were made to compete with them. The Kandhas were determined not to allow this under any circumstances.

But they could also sense that it was beyond their ability to fight the Panas, who were aided and abetted by the economically rich and politically powerful Christian groups. They, willy nilly, thus came under the umbrella of the saffron outfits. It is not that the Hindu preachers descended on the scene only after the dubious ST campaign took off. As a matter of fact, their presence goes back several decades, long before independence. Swami Laxmananand Saraswati, whose murder sparked off the current round of anti-Christian riots, himself had set up an ashram in the area in 1969, almost forty years back.

But the Hindu religious leaders did not achieve much success in all those decades, as there were few ready converts to their beliefs. Most of the Panas had already converted to Christianity. Most of the tribes were not enamoured of the Hindu faith as they believed in animism, a kind of paganism that involved nature worship. The Hindu preachers were convinced that they would succeed in proselytizing the tribals into their faith if they could create or exacerbate a conflict situation with the Panas. The Pana attempt to attain ST status thus presented itself as a god-sent opportunity for Kandha mobilization.

The tribals were made to flaunt their Hindu identity in exchange for the Sangh Parivar to take up their fight against the evil designs of the Pana Christians. Thus the religious faultlines began to be clearly visible in the battle lines that had earlier drawn on the ethnic divide.

But the saffron outfits were no match to the Christian outfits, in so far as the availability of a dedicated band of well-trained cadre to carry on the educational and health services. As they managed to bring together mostly the riff-raffs – who had neither the intellectual ability to engage in persuasive dialogue nor the social commitment to work for the welfare of the deprived sections – they could gainfully employ them only for strong-arm measures, which they have been doing for the last many years. Their activities have increased manifold, and with greater intensity, ever since a fraternal organization has become part of the ruling coalition of the state.

The ruling coalition, which has been in power for the last two terms, also had to work out a strategy to counter the anti-incumbency factor, with the Lok Sabha and the state assembly elections round the corner. Not that it needed much of a strategy as the main opposition party, the Congress, is in a state of limbo. The Congress’s only visible face, J.B. Patnaik, had majorly discredited himself during his long stint of almost a decade and a half as chief minister. He was instrumental in bringing the Congress to a ruinous state. But, ironically, he – currently the leader of the Opposition in the state assembly – remains the best bet for the Congress to revive itself and take on Naveen Patnaik. However, the Congress organizational leadership in the state is in the hands of those who are hostile to J.B. Patnaik, but are political pygmies themselves.

Naveen Patnaik has taken advantage of this divided party; he has kept the leader of the Opposition in good humour by ensuring that all comforts and facilities are extended to J.B. Patnaik so that he can further decimate his party rivals. With a moribund Congress in his pocket, the chief minister faces little opposition in the political establishment.

The only meaningful opposition has come from the pro-people movements ranged against the proposed mega industries for which the state government has handed over the control of the state’s mineral resources to the national and multinational business houses. They are convinced that Naveen Patnaik has auctioned away the state’s interest for personal gratification and this has stirred the conscience of many Oriyas. But despite their commitment and success in partially obstructing these projects, it is difficult for them to carry on and make a difference in the ensuing election as there is a political vacuum. Nor are these movements in any position to present themselves as political alternatives as they cannot match the money power of the ruling party bankrolled by big business.

So Naveen Patnaik is politically safe. But he wants to ensure that the safety conditions are foolproof. He knows well that unlike in many other states, Muslims are not much of a factor in the electoral politics of Orissa as they constitute a minuscule two per cent of the population. Though the Christians are the biggest minority in the state, they too are not much of a vote bank as their numbers add up to less than two and a half per cent. In percentage terms, Orissa has one of the largest concentration of Hindus in India. Is that why Naveen Patnaik decided to play the communal card in the Kandhamal incident? Otherwise, he would have taken prompt measures to apprehend the killers of the popular Swami Laxamananad Saraswati. Had the killers been captured expeditiously, then the Bajrang Dal-VHP campaign against Christians would have lost steam and normalcy would have returned soon. In this situation it would have been difficult to polarize the rest of the state on communal lines.

So it was a calculated strategy to keep the communal pot boiling by letting the killers roam free. That may also have been the reason why the nun’s rape was not confirmed by the state, as that would have invited universal opprobrium, halting thereby the free run of the saffron brigands. It was only after a month, once the government-supported goons had pillaged every identifiable and defiant Christian household of the area and the Union government did some tough talking after the Prime Minister was made to face embarrassing moments in the US and France (the Congress made only feeble noises during this month-long period of the Kandhamal mayhem as it was afraid that it might annoy majority sentiment) that the Orissa government finally swung into action, arrested the murderers of the Swami and confirmed the rape of the nurse.

Naveen Patnaik must have heaved a sigh of relief that by the time he was forced to take action, his communal agenda had already succeeded, what with a large majority of the Hindu community endorsing the anti-conversion tirade. He must be chuckling to himself in anticipation of a landslide victory a la Narendra Modi in the aftermath of the anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat.

Certain posers are in order here.

First, should leaders in government, who are entrusted with the task of protecting the common people, be allowed to get away legally unscathed after the large-scale loss of lives and property? Shouldn’t, for instance, Narasimha Rao (giving allowance to Rajiv Gandhi who was new to the job as the head of the government and was mourning his mother’s death) have been prosecuted for genocide after the anti-Sikh riots that claimed 3000 lives? Shouldn’t Narendra Modi have faced the same charges after the Gujarat riots? Shouldn’t the same happen to Naveen Patnaik now? But the irony is that all those who ought to have faced charges for mass murder continued to occupy the seats of power to decide our destiny.

It is time a campaign is launched to make our leaders in government personally accountable in law for any act of omission or commission – because of malevolence or incompetence – that lead to large-scale loss of innocent lives.

Second, should Christian evangelists carry on with conversion, admittedly by persuasion, in the existing circumstances? It may be right, as the pastors claim, that there is no element of coercion in these conversions and each individual should have the freedom to respond to the inner call to change faith, if need be. But not everyone agrees. Even The Economist, a celebrated London journal espousing the liberal Christian tradition of the West says: ‘The idea that religion constitutes a community (where the loss or gain of even one member is a matter of deep, legitimate concern to all other members) is as old as religion itself. Christianity teaches that the recovery of a "lost sheep" causes rejoicing in heaven; for a Muslim, there is no human category more important than umma, the worldwide community of believers… Conversion will never be seen as a purely individual matter when one religiously defined community is at war or armed stand-off with another. During Northern Ireland’s troubles a move across the Catholic-Protestant divide could be life-threatening…’ (26 July-1 August 2008)

Now that the Hindus and Christians are virtually at war in Kandhamal, conversion will only add fuel to the religious fire. In fact, the Christian leaders should take a lesson from the urban centres where the missionary schools and hospitals are the rage even among the fundamentalist Hindus and Muslims eager to benefit from their high standard of services at a reasonable cost. Why then the hostility to their services in the rural and tribal areas? Is it because they do not seek to proselytize in the urban centres whereas they do in rural areas? Is this symptomatic of a rich-poor divide? Christian religious leaders need to ponder: will they not spread the word of God, the message about the magnanimity of the Jesus, more by providing services to the poor without seeking converts?

There is also a poser for the Hindu preachers. If, as they allege, Christianity is seeking to convert by inducement, they too can be charged with the same crime. What the Christian outfits are doing with Dalits, they are doing with the tribals. But they are more pernicious than the Christian evangelists, because they often take recourse to coercion or force, especially for re-conversion.

Our Hindu leaders must remember that many of the Dalits turned to Christianity in part because their own religion treated them with contempt and subjected them to a sub-human existence. If the leaders of the majority community want to keep their flock together, then they must make amends to win back the confidence of the marginalized communities.

They must also remember that the Christians do not have a monopoly over quality institutions for education and health care. Had the Hindu organizations built credible social service institutions for the poor and the needy, the Christians may not have succeeded in converting many of them in the first place. If they do it even now, they will find that not many will be ready to compromise their cultural and religious integrity and convert to another religion. Their services will ensure their religious cohesiveness. And that would be the proper and democratic way to take on the challenge posed by Christian missionaries.

It is time our religious leaders learn to contribute to a culture of harmony, not conflict, in a larger democratic environment.

N.R. Mohanty