INDIAN politics is a world in itself. Most times baffling, many times unpredictable, and all the time throwing up challenges new and old. There is a dynamic to it that defies conventional explanations. It is this dynamic that propels issues and individuals into spheres where the processes of politics collide with the norm and the expected. Many a time an issue finds prime time space there, quite disproportionate to its intellectual value. And it is this unintellectual aspect of much of Indian politics that causes dismay and disgust in the observers and practitioners of the domestic political scene. They shake their heads as much in disapproval as in their inability to affect change, course correction, or even exert influence over events. For there is a contradiction between the expected norm, and politics as it is practised today.

A CPI(M) Member of Parliament in the 14th Lok Sabha, and someone who had been there for a few terms, once said that the only time he was complemented by his constituents was when he jumped into the well of the House to oppose a bill being tabled. He was a good debater, and had been active in the House. But it was only when he was seen in the well of the House by his constituents on television, that he was complemented for his role in opposing the bill. It is the reality TV effect on politics, where live coverage of Parliament proceedings, in their full tumultuous conduct, impress and disgust Indians at the same time. Therein lies the full scape of Indian politics, shorn of morality and manners. The same conduct that would disgust some is the display many would approve of. This contradictory dynamic is now an expected aspect of Indian politics. So how is one to explain it, decipher it, or even learn from it?

A couple of Diwalis ago a senior diplomat was in departure mode, having completed an Indian posting that he said had excited him as much as it had dismayed him. In a conversation shorn off diplomatic niceties, he said that there was so much potential in India, so much capability for doing good, but there was also a tendency to create self-goals. Even as the world was reeling under a severe economic downturn, there was no reason for India to be in this predicament. ‘This is a self-created mess,’ he said, with a sad shake of his head. And that conversation was at a time when the only scandal occupying the airwaves was the 2G spectrum allotment issue. It all seemed so much simpler just a couple of years ago. But now the plate is full, and overflowing, which causes perceptions to change, harden, cynicism to grow, and the overall image of Indian politics and politicians to fall immeasurably.

 

The greatest challenge before politicians in India is to regain credibility that has fallen by the wayside in a rapidly changing social and political milieu. The youth bulge, youth profile, and the dynamics of a youthful India have been analyzed and reported upon ad nauseam. Much has been made of this factor, supposed to herald the change that has been expected and demanded for long in this country. Like many aspects of Indian life, this too encourages its own stories and mythologies. The youth of India want change, want to alter the political landscape, want to do things differently – so say some of the commentaries and analysis. True. There are many who enter the political field in a state of optimism and hope. And this covers the entire spectrum of Indian politics, from the panchayat to the Parliament.

In fact, there is a greater dynamism on display in elections to the three tiers of panchayati raj institutions – from the village to the block and district levels – a far higher level of participation, as also more opportunities and higher levels of responsibility than is generally assumed about panchayati raj institutions. In that sense they provide a good vent for participation. And in the era of MNREGA and the various development schemes that target the panchayat, also more lucrative for those inclined that way. Pilferage levels are also the highest in schemes that target the villages directly. So, first generation panchayat heads driving SUVs is not an uncommon sight. The opportunities are enormous, and many are making full use of them. The panchayati raj route is one of two that provide an opportunity to prepare for political participation at the higher level, the other being university or student politics.

 

The role and nature of student politics in the country is a largely ignored aspect of change and dynamism. While there are many positives that come out of college and university level political participation, there are also some serious issues that need to be addressed for the sake of India’s future. It is a platform that has thrown up some serious, interesting and committed Indian politicians. The dynamism of student leaders in the JP movement is essential reading in Indian political lore. But the success of that participation did not herald the change in Indian politics it was expected to. One reason is that the same student leaders, largely, fell back upon caste – the most serious threat to political change in India.

Thus, even as the JP movement was driven by the power of personalities, and the idea of change, many of its practitioners reverted to a sectoral leadership role once victory had been achieved. Since then the spectre of caste has loomed large over the Indian political horizon, across the country, even in godless communist strongholds. In politically correct terminology, this is called social engineering, a term and a practice made famous by Govindacharya sitting in the BJP’s central office in the early 1990s. What it effectively means is the practice of adjusting various candidates on the basis of caste equations, in the district and the state – the logic being that the best balance produces the best result.

 

The practice of caste politics begins at the college and university level with the selection of candidates on the premise of producing the best panel. And the panel is always based on balancing caste in the institution. Then comes the aspect of money in student elections. The sums doing the rounds for simply getting the nomination for a Delhi University election are enough to win an assembly seat in many states of the Union! The amount spent on the election itself is a different ball game altogether, often exceeding expenditures in various state elections, in a relative sense anyway. The combination of caste and money in order to proceed further in student politics does not bode well for the nature of India’s polity. The youth thus begin their political journey riding the twin tigers of caste and money, and it is never easy getting off such a deadly beast. So the journey is beset with its own problems, its own peculiar dynamics, and challenges.

What, then, do the youth want? This question is uppermost in the minds of social and political commentators, those in public life and, above all, those in government. For many a times the mobilization of youth has shaken and shocked the government. Ask any panchayat head in the country and he will reflect the same fears about the youth as any political leader higher up the administrative ladder. There is a disquiet in the youth, and this creates confusion for those active in politics, for the simple reason that none can predict how the energies will be channelized. There are enough incidents of the negative kind to worry those in power, in the panchayat or in Parliament. Anybody attempting a simple, single fix on what the youth wants is treading a dangerous path to confusion and dismay. There is no single answer and neither is there a simple solution.

 

The single greatest challenge before the youth of the country is the absence of an ‘appropriate’ role model. Even as youth issues vary from city to city and state to state, the fact that there is no one person who is looked upon with awe and respect, creates a youth dynamism that frequently runs riot. The energies don’t get channelized in terms of intellectual or physical participation. And this lack of participation, the feeling of not being included amongst the stakeholders, is a source of a great deal of angst amongst the youth. They feel neglected, unheard, unrecognized, and unacknowledged.

Coupled with the absence of a youth icon, the pied piper of their dreams, is the frequent collapse of barriers. The momentous mobilization of youth across Delhi in the aftermath of the ghastly gang rape in December 2012 was replicated across the country in various cities and states. It had the potential to spill out of control, for the numbers were enormous and the leadership non-existent or invisible. Fearful, the Indian state hunkered down and buried itself in layers of security, hardly the leadership that the youth were looking for. That the rapists/murderers were also largely from what could be labelled as youth is a different matter.

The fact that youth demonstrated their anger in the thousands, over an issue of grave social concern, is a pointer to an idealism that still exists amongst the youth of the country. And that in itself is a positive that comes out of these perplexing and disgraceful times. The youth provided the field force when Anna Hazare began his anti-corruption campaign, and they did so again when it came to the rape incident. These is evidence of a yearning for better times, a more just place, both in a political as well as social and gender sense. The fact that such demonstrations and mobilizations happen on issues such as rape is a symbol of something positive that survives in our psyche. That it cannot be taken further is in part because the youth haven’t found somebody to lead them.

 

The nature of youth mobilization in India is a complex matter, involving a spectrum from the Naxals to religious orders, crime syndicates, to political parties. This covers pretty much the entire social horizon of India, reflective of a strong youth presence in the middle of all these mobilizations. For the future of India, one obviously hopes that greater mobilization happens in the political field in a manner which encourages dispute resolution through dialogue and debate, rather than the gun or knife. But for that political mobilization to be truly fruitful, there has to be a leadership that inspires confidence, and attracts the youth. Sadly, despite all contemporary attempts, that is lacking in the country. At one time the youth icon was quite easily Anna Hazare, a seventies something panchayat inspired anti-graft crusader.

This says something about integrity, purpose and commitment. Despite his age, Anna Hazare did inspire and mobilize thousands, most of them youth. And that was because of his personal integrity, his single-minded purpose, and well-advertised commitment to the cause of making India corruption free. His message carried greater credibility than politicians, collectively, had been able to convey. And that says a lot about Indian politics and its practitioners.

So why is there no Anna Hazare in active politics? Why is there nobody whose message carries the same resonance? The answer to these questions lies in the nature of Indian politics since the success of the JP movement, and the mobilization by caste. This has resulted in a phenomenon whereby the Indian elite believes that politics is for the dodgy, since it is so ‘dirty’ and that a clean well-meaning person can’t find any space in it. This self-imposed withdrawal has allowed a large number of truly dodgy people free space to run amok.

An elite that distances itself from practising politics can only influence through bribery and patronage. Both of these perpetuate beliefs that are contrary to good governance and probity. The elite in this case is intellectual, moral, spiritual and Indian in ethos. It has nothing to do with lineage or the house address, but everything with those who have a vision for the country that goes beyond caste, clan or family. When such people vacate the political space it is then left open for grabs. It is then only a question of time that the dodgy get in. And the dodgy don’t let go, easily.

 

Since there are no free lunches in this game, there is need for some serious introspection by the committed and the visionary. If the country has to go forward, the drawing room specialists have to be joined by the youth motivated by a desire to make India a better place. The youth have shown their interests and their cards. They can deal a good hand, but that requires consistency and stamina, not a one-off event but a sustained engagement. For that to happen the youth require a leader, an idea that inspires, and a platform that attracts. Archaic arguments and imagery are a thing of the past. It’s a whole new ball game, and the players are fumbling.