State
of the economy
HIMANSHU
THE Covid-19 pandemic led to unprecedented
devastation in many countries. While the major impact was on health and
wellbeing of citizens, its impact on the economy has led to serious clouds of
recession globally and also in India. Most of the global economies are suffering
from high inflation driven by supply shortages and are likely to witness
recession or at the least deceleration in economic activity. The Indian economy
was also affected by the Covid pandemic, particularly
due to the sudden lockdowns and disruptions in economic activity caused by
arbitrary rules and regulations under the guise of curbing the spread of the
pandemic. This year is finally seen as the year of recovery with the economy
finally open and most restrictions having been withdrawn or eased to a large
extent.
It is in this context that one needs to ask
the question of how the economy has performed and impacted different sectors of
the economy, and above all, different strata of the society. Preliminary
estimates available from the official data suggests that the recovery
has been uneven with differential impact on the various sectors of the economy.
Matters are complicated as far as the impact on income distribution is
concerned. While there appears to be some evidence that inequality at the aggregate
level may have come down, a detailed and disaggregated analysis suggests that
it may not be the best outcome given the state of the economy.
The decline in inequality has come at a
time when most other indicators point towards worsening of the living standards
of households at the bottom end of the distribution. In other words, the
decline in inequality seems to be driven not so much by rising incomes of the
poor as a result of redistribution, but largely a reflection of much greater
decline in income of the better-off households. Such a process of ‘levelling
down’ is unlikely to be a favourable outcome not only for income distribution
and inequality but also a worrying sign for the sustainability of the nascent
recovery in the Indian economy.
This article is a preliminary exploration
of the underlying trends in growth, inequality and poverty in recent years.
Preliminary, partly because the full impact of the pandemic is yet to play out
given the uncertainties of the major drivers of the Indian economy but also the
global economy. But also, largely because recent years have
seen an absence of reliable data on crucial aspects of the state of the Indian
economy. The latter, is not just restricted to withdrawal and
suppression of crucial data on aspects of the economy but also attempts at
interfering with the autonomy of the statistical system. Nonetheless, whatever
little data is available in the public domain, it
confirms the broad assessment of an uneven economic recovery with rising misery
for a majority of the households.
Perhaps the easiest (and laziest) way to
assess the state of the economy would be to look at the growth numbers which
are presented every quarter. While the aggregate growth estimates are the most
popular, they are also the least transparent. However, given the obsession with
growth, the starting point of any exercise has to begin with growth estimates.
Briefly, Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the Indian economy grew at an annual
rate of 5.4% during the last decade of 2011-12 to 2021-22. For comparison,
based on the new series of GDP estimates from the national accounts based on
the 2011-12 series, the Indian economy grew at 5.1% per annum during 1981-82 to
1991-92, at 6% between 1991-92 to 2001-02 and 6.8%
between 2001-02 and 2011-12. That is, this is the lowest rate of decadal growth
after the economic reforms and only marginally higher than the pre-reform
decade.
The GDP growth after 2014-15 was lower than the
pre-reform decade of 1980s at 4.9% per annum between 2014-15 and 2021-22. Per
capita incomes of Indians increased at 3.7% per annum in the last decade with
growth in per capita income after 2014-15 at 3.3%.
The deceleration in economic activity is
partly a result of natural shocks such as droughts in 2014 and 2015 and the Covid pandemic during 2020-2021. But it also suffered from
several man-made shocks, two of them being the demonetization of 2016 and the
hasty roll-out of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) of 2017. In fact, the Indian
economy had started slowing down even before the pandemic hit the country. The
growth rate of the economy had declined to less than half from 8.3% in 2016-17
to only 3.7% in 2019-20. Incidentally, this was not a period of any
catastrophic natural event domestically or any major financial shock or
otherwise globally which explains the sharp deceleration. In fact, the only two
events during this intervening period are the demonetization and the GST
roll-out which contributed to the sharp slowdown in the economy.
The pandemic after that contributed to a
further worsening of the economic situation due to the sudden and strict
lockdowns and the disruption in economic activity. The end result, even after
the recovery from the pandemic is that per capita income of Indians in 2021-22
is lower than the levels in 2018-19. Per capita incomes have declined at 0.25%
per annum between 2018-19 and 2021-22.1 Quite simply,
the average Indian is poorer in 2021-22 compared to 2018-19.
The aggregate estimates are clear indicators of what
happened to the economy in the immediate medium-term and particularly in the
short-term of the last five years. Growth rates are an important metric of what
is happening to the larger economy. But not everyone benefits from economic
growth in the same way. One way to look at it is to examine the incomes of
various groups of workers in the economy. We do not have information for every
occupational group, but there are robust and reliable indicators of wages for a
majority of workers. Among them, the most vulnerable are the wage workers or
daily wage labourers. Table 1 gives the rate of growth of wages of rural casual
workers in agriculture and non-agriculture.
Casual wage workers, which are among the poorest
category of households have seen their daily wages
decline in both agricultural as well as non-agricultural occupations.
Agricultural wage workers have seen their real wages decline by 0.9% per year
compared to last year. While their wages increased marginally in the last two
years and the last five years, these have only grown at a low annual growth of
0.11% per year. On the other hand, those in non-agricultural occupations have
seen their wages decline by 2.7% in the last one year, 1.3% compared to two
years ago, by 0.9% compared to five years ago and by 0.5% during the entire
term of this government. The other important category is of farmers. Despite
claims by the government of doubling farmers’ income by 2022, official data
suggests that farmers’ incomes have declined in the last four years.
Farmers’ incomes were increas-ing
at 7.5% per annum between 2004-05 to 2011-12 and at 4.02% between
2011-12 to 2016-17. This was higher than the average per capita income
growth during that period. However, farmers have seen their real incomes
decline after 2016-17, during the slowdown of the economy, with real income
declining by 1.5% per annum. The last time, farmers’ income declined was during
the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government of 1999-00 to 2004-05. This
time, the decline is not only almost three times faster but has also come when
the rural wages are witnessing a real decline in wage income. The cumulative
impact of the decline in wage incomes and the decline in farmers’ income is
that more than half of workers in India have seen their real incomes decline in
the last five years.
The fact that two of the poorest groups in rural areas
have seen their income decline is also strong evidence that poverty may have
risen in the recent period. Unfortunately, there is no data on what happened to
poverty in India after 2011-12. Poverty in India is usually estimated on the
distribution of consumption expenditure from the surveys conducted by the
National Statistical Office (NSO). The last consumption survey conducted in
2017-18, however, was discarded by the government for no clear reason. But the
basic details were leaked in the public domain and suggest that poverty may
have gone up after 2011-12 to 2017-18. Subramanian has used leaked data to
estimate poverty and he reported a rise in poverty in rural areas, although
urban poverty had declined during the same period.2
On a comparable basis and using the Rangarajan poverty line, poverty increased from 30.9% in
2011-12 to 35.9% in 2017-18 in rural areas, declined to 19.6% in 2017-18 from
26.4% in urban areas and increased for the country as whole from 29.5% in
2011-12 to 30.7% in 2017-18. Note, this is the first
time in the last five decades that poverty for the country has increased. While
the estimates of poverty based on the leaked consumption surveys suggest an
increase of the number of poor by 52 million between 2011-12 and 2017-18,
estimates by Mehrotra and Parida
based on consumption aggregates from the employment surveys report a rise in
number of poor by 78 million between 2011-12 and 2019-20.3
These estimates are not an outlier and other estimates
from private surveys confirm some of these. Sahasranaman
and Kumar4 analyse the Consumer Pyramid Household Surveys
(CPHS) data of the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) and their
findings are similar to the trends reported by Subramanian5 and Mehrotra and Parida.6 Even though
poverty estimates are not made available by them, their paper does show a
decline in income shares of the bottom 5% of the population by 38% between 2014
and 2019 with decline in average real income growth at 4.6% per annum. For the
bottom 10% of the rural population, the corresponding decline in income share
was 41% with real annual income declining at 4.3% per annum between 2014 and
2019. While these are not estimates of poverty, they do confirm the increasing
distress in rural areas.
The decline in incomes of the poorest is further
confirmed by the data on incomes by different class of households presented by
the People’s Research on India’s Consumer Economy (PRICE) as part of their
ICE360 data series.7 This
data again reports a decline in incomes among the bottom quintiles with the
poorest quintile reporting a decline in incomes by more than 50%.8 That is, the
poorest bottom 20% had earning less than half of their income in 2021 compared
to its levels in 2016. The only income quintiles which report an increase in
income are the top two quintiles.
Most of these trends are prepandemic.
But limited evidence after the pandemic suggests further worsening of the
situation. Analysis of the CPHS data by Dhingra and Ghatak9 suggests that poverty in both rural and urban
areas rose after the pandemic with rural poverty rate rising by 9.3 percentage
points and urban poverty rising by 11.7% between December 2019 and December
2020. The State of Working India (SOWI) 2021,10 uses the national minimum wage floor as the
poverty line. Their estimates suggest an increase in number of poor by 230
million during the Covid months.
Pew research centre using adjustments in
the national accounts data also pointed out to the increasing vulnerability and
poverty after the pandemic, although they do not report poverty estimates. Kochar11 reported an increase in the number of poor by
75 million after the pandemic. Even the middle class was not left untouched
with a decline in 32 million among middle class households.12
While there is overwhelming evidence that overall
growth has slowed down and the most vulnerable have seen their incomes decline
confirming the rise in poverty in recent years, there is also evidence to
suggest that in recent years, inequality may have come down. The consumption
survey of 2017-18 which reported a rise in poverty also reported a decline in
consumption inequality. As is seen from Figure 1, inequality as measured by the
Gini coefficient of consumption expenditure declined
in both rural and urban areas.
The issue of declining inequality at a time when the
majority of households at the bottom end of the income distribution report a
rise in poverty is puzzling. A disaggregated analysis, however, suggests that
this may not be a result of income transfers from the rich to the poor but is
more likely to be a result of all-round decline in incomes across all income
spectrums. Some evidence in this regard is provided by the Pew surveys which
report a decline among middle class households. However, confirmation in this
regard is also available from the NSO surveys which report a sharper decline in
earnings of regular workers which are among the better protected. While real
wages of regular workers declined for all category of
workers with only a marginal increase in case of female workers, it was higher
in case of urban workers (See Figure 2).
While earnings from employment are good indicator of
the crisis in the economy, a better indicator is the availability and quality
of jobs available. On a broad measure of employment, India employed 472 million
workers in 2011-12. By 2020-21, this number has increased to 540 million,
increasing by 67 million or 7.5 million per year. This is unlikely to be
sufficient to cover the increase in working age population. But it also appears
that much of the increase may be distress induced employment.13
It is well known that during a period of
extreme distress, there is likely to be increase in employment of the
vulnerable population to maintain household consumption. Such a process is not
entirely ruled out and the recent rounds of PLFS data confirm this. It is also
confirmed by other indicators of employment which suggest that distress has
contributed to reversing some of the gains of the process of structural transformation
in the case of India. The latest round of PLFS data of 2020-21 suggests
movement of workforce back to agriculture along with increasing informalization of the workforce. The percentage of
population employed in the informal sector in the non-farm sector increased
steadily from 68.2% in 2017-18 to 71.4% in 2020-21 with percentage of regular
workers who do not get any social security benefit increasing from 49.6% in
2017-18 to 53.8% in 2020-21.
There is now conclusive evidence that recent years have
seen a decline in incomes for the majority of the poor, more so in rural areas.
It is also clear that the decline is not just restricted to the poorest
sections of the society but has spread to even the affluent sections and the
middle class. While the super-rich may be the only ones to have escaped the
slowdown and decline in incomes, the consequences of declining incomes are
detrimental for the lives and livelihood for the majority of households in the
economy.
This, unfortunately, is not just a case in
terms of income and consumption but has implications for outcomes on human
development as well. The pandemic and its associated disruptions have already
led to worsening health outcomes and worsening of educational outcomes with
schools and educational institutions remaining closed for a large part. While
it certainly excluded the poor from access to basic services such as health and
education, there are also numerous reports from independent surveys of slower
improvements in nutrition.14
These trends are also worrying for the sustainability of the growth in the economy. With inflation rising again driven by food prices, there is every likelihood of decline in real purchasing power of the majority of population. In a situation where the Indian economy is also going through a period of declining consumption demand and declining investment demand, even the domestic drivers of economic growth will be unable to provide the stimulus needed for the economic recovery. With global economy also going through a difficult period, Indian economy may be headed for difficult and uncertain times.
Footnotes:
1.
For the record, the last time per capita incomes declined was in the earl 1950s. But it has never been the case since
independence that per capita incomes have declined in a three-year period.
2. S. Subramanian, ‘What is Happening to Rural Welfare, Poverty, and Inequality in India?’, The India Forum, 27 November 2019.
3. Santosh Mehrotra and Jajati Keshari Parida, ‘Poverty in India is on the Rise Again’, The Hindu, 4 August 2021.
4. Anand Sahasranaman and Nishanth Kumar, ‘Income Distribution and Inequality in India: 2014-19’, SSRN, 30 November 2020, arXiv preprint arXiv:2010.03602
5. S. Subramanian, op cit.
6. S. Mehrotra and J.K. Parida, op cit.
7. See https://www.ice360.in/insights/ for details on the survey and reports.
8. Sandeep Singh, ‘Income of Poorest Fifth Plunged 53% in 5 Yrs; Those at Top Surged’, Indian Express, 24 January 2022.
9. Swati Dhingra and Maitreesh Ghatak, ‘How Has Covid-19 Affected India’s Economy?’ Economics Observatory, 30 June 2021, available at https://www.economicsobservatory.com/how-has-covid-19-affected-indias-economy Also, Himanshu, ‘Employment Trends in India: A Re-examination’, Economic and Political Weekly 46(37), 10 September 2011, pp. 43-59.
10. Azim Premji University, ‘State of Working India 2021: One Year of Covid-19’. Centre for Sustainable Employment, Azim Premji University, 2021.
11. Rakesh Kochar, ‘In the Pandemic, India’s Middle Class Shrinks and Poverty Spreads While China Sees Smaller Changes’. Pew Research Centre, 18 March 2021.
12. The income tiers are defined by the daily per capita income of people in a region as follows: poor ($2 or less daily), low income ($2.01-$10), middle income ($10.01-$20), upper-middle income ($20.01-$50) and high income (more than $50).
13. Increase in employment during times of economic distress is not rare. In the Indian context, such an increase was also seen in case of economic distress during the 1999-00 and 2004-05 period. For details, see Himanshu (2011).
14. Dipa Sinha, ‘Persistence of Food Insecurity and Malnutrition’, The India Forum, 9 March 2022, available at https://www.theindiaforum.in/article/persistence-food-insecurity-malnutrition.